A HISTORY OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE
CLASSICAL PERIOD
VOL. I
General Editor and
Contributors to this Volume:
S. N. DASGUPTA
and
S. K. DE,
We know from Arthatastra that
all kinds of
teaching of fine arts and
literature were encouraged
by the Mauryyas and that
teachers of music, dancing,
acting, etc., were maintained
out of the provincial
revenue.) The kings held in
their courts from time to
time great exhibitions of
poets and scholars, where they
wrangled with one another and
vied for victory in
literary contests. There were
often Poet Laureates -
attached to the kingW's court.
Srlharsa says that in the
court of Jayacandra a seat was
reserved for him and he
was offered two betel-leaves
as a mark of honour,
of
^et us look at the
autobiography of Bana who lived
in the court of Srlharsa in
the J7th century. . He tells
us that his mother died when
he was quite young and
his father also died when he
was almost of the age of
fourteen. He was studying at
the time and he had
sufficient wealth to maintain
himself at home. But
with the beginning of youth he
was impatient and got
into naughty habits. At this
time he got a number
of associates and friends. (A
little scrutiny into the
%k~oJL..associates that Bana
had may give us an idea
of the sort of people that
lived in the city and bow in
the city life all classes of
people mixed together^ Thus
he says that he had for his
associates Candasena and
Matrsena, who were born out of
a Brahmin father and
a Sudra mother, the poet
Isana, B^ra and NarayanaT
who were learned ^schdar^
Bharata^Jjhe composer of
Sanskrit songs, Vgyu-vikara,
who was born in the
1 iha
kalidasa-inenthav-atra'maiarfipa-sura'bhdravayah/
haiicandra-candraguptau
parikitav'ilia vMlayam//
Myate ca pa^aliputre
sastrakara-parlkfd,
atro-pavar$a-var<av-iha
pdnini-pihgalav-iha vyadify/
varamci-patanjali iha
parikfitah khyatim upajagmuh//
r-Kavyarolmarpss, Ch, Xt
INTRODUCTION lix
family of those who made songs
in Prakrt, Anarigavana
and Sucivana, two ladies,
Katyayanika and Cakravakika,
Ma^uraka the forester, Candaka
the seller of
beteMeaves, Mandaraka the
_jader,
"
Candaka the
gbysician, Sudrsji the artist,
Siddhasena the go'dsmith
and jeweller, Govinda the
writer, Vfravarmaja , the
painjgr, Kumaradatta the
varnisher, Jlmuta the drummer,
Somila and Grahaditya Jhe
singers. Kuramnka
the independent artisan girl,
the pipers, Madhukara
and Paravata, Darduraka the
teacher of dancing,
Keralika the massage-girl, the
dice-player Akhan<Jal#ka,
the dancing-master Tandavika,
fhe actor Sikhandaka,
the nunJ3umati, the
monk_yiradeva, the dancing-girl
Haramika, the' reciter
Jayasena, the saiva Vakraghoija,
the enchanter Karalakesa, and
the magician .Cakoraksa,
Being overcome by such an
association he went out of
his home for seeing different
countries in an irresponsible
manner and after a time
returned to his country.
He then describes the
atmosphere of Vedic studies and
sacrifices that prevailed
among his relations. Their
houses rang always with the
sound of Vedic recitations.
People had their forehead
besmeared with ashes, their
long hairs were brown like
fire. The children^^who
came to see the sacrificial
ceremonies, sat on different
s^gs. There were little
hollows which were softened
with the flowing soma-juice.
The^ards were green
with grass. The signs "of
dark deer were lying about
on wKiclT lay the sacrificial
cakes and sacrificial rice.
"The nwara paddy were
scattered about on the sands.
Hundreds of holy^d[scipies
were bringing the green
ku6a, thesacrificmljvood,
qowdung;
the yard was marked
everywhere with the hoofs of
cows that supplied
milk for the sacrificial W^|i-
Many of the sacrificers
were busy besmearing their
kamandalus with
mud. Heaps of branches of fig
tree were lying about
ix
for sacrificial pegs. The
whole ground was rendered
brown by the sacrificial
offerings. The smoke of the
clarified butter had darkened
the foliage of trees.
Gradual We have again in
Harsacarita the description of
cit/We from splendour and
magnificence of the capital ^and^ the
the tillages? court of a Hindu
king and the description as to
how he encouraged scholars and
poets, artists and
scientists as also the
pleasures of a city-life, \ As we
read Kalidasa describing court
scenes many centuries
before, we find that the
^court-Jife was not so far
removed by its splendour and
majesty from the life
of ordinary people, the
citizens, the members of the
hermitage, and the like.j
Dillpa ju iisujourney to the
hermitage of Va&stha goes
alone with his wife looking
at the village scenes and
talking with the rustic* people
on the way. His personal
greatness, strength and
vigour of character made such
an appearance of his
great personality that though
alone he appeared as if he
was in accompaniment of a host
of retinue and army.
'There is a naive simplicity
in the portrayal of Dillpa
and Du?yanta, of Vikrama and
Pusyamitra which
we cannot find in Bana's
portrayal. As we move up
to Bhasa, we find that life in
general, whether^ in
court^^^outaide1 was more akin
to the description
that we find in the
Arthasastra, ^yith the difference
that performances of Vedic
sacrifices have a greater
prominence in the lives of
kings than what we find
in the portrayal of royal
lives in Kalidasa or
Bana. } Already in Kalidasa
the hermits from the forest
cannot regard the city-life
and the court-life with
complacence. Sarngarava and
Saradvata think of
the court of Dusyanta as a
hall surrounded with fire.
Neither Vikrama nor Dusyanta
performs any sacrifice
and when Pusyamitra does it,
he does so with a sense
of majesty and greatness.
Entirely different is the
INTRODUCTION Ixi
portrayal of the kings of the
past age with whom
performances of sacrifices and
gifts are almost a normal
routine. Even the great hero,
Raghu, leaves up his all
after his conquering career in
his sacrifice.
We thus see that as we move
along the centuries,
the court-life becomes
gradually separated from
the life of the people as a
wholep With this
separation new types of
characters and professionals
of diverse description began
to grow up and the court
atmosphere and the city
atmosphere gradually became
alienated from the life of the
people as a whole. Yet
the older Vedic life and its
ideals, as they became more
and more hazy and dreamy,
began to assume almost a
supernatural hold consisting
of fear and hope for the
people at large. The influence
of the legal literature
with their injunctions and
restrictions, became more
and more stringent and more
and more stiffened and
inelastic as time went on. (li
seems that the people as
a whole tolerated the court-life,
but hardly assimilated
it in their blood. \ An
artificial division was thus
created and more and more
emphasised as we take a
long perspective through the
centuries from a position
of an early eminence. With the
inrush and settlement
of Islamic supremacy and the
practical destruction of
Hindu court-life the breakage
became almost complete.
In a climate like that of
India, people indeed appreciated
the passionate side of life
and even from the time
of the Mauryyas or even
earlier than that, the courtesans
had almost an unrestricted
importance and the
urban taste often descended
into vulgarity. We have
the figure in terra cotta of a
dancing girl discovered in
the Mauryya level in Patna,
where the girl is wearing
shining apparels all over her
body but her prominent
breasts are shown uncovered.
/1\Iost of the womanfigures
in ancient art show the bosoms
of young women
Ixii INTKObUCTIOfc
in an uncovered manner.) This
tallies with the description
of women's breasts in so many
of our Sanskrit
erotic verses which are
shocking to our modern taste
.^
More than this, we find
Sanskrit poets vying with one
another in the description of
the most delicate acts of
sex-life illustrating, as it
were, the descriptions in the
Kama-sutra. But be it as it
may, the normal judgment
of tEe audience had most often
a sound inclination
and in order to cater to this
taste, we often find that
a drama or a kavya most often
had a moral lesson to
impart, though it ran always
as an undercurrent. It
is for this reason that
stories from the Ramayana, the
Mahabharata and the Puranas
played such an imporextenfliveij
tant-part for the formation of
plots of Kavyas and
dramas. In decadent times,
most of the dramas and
kavyas drew their inspiration
from religious mythology.
In and through such religious
mythology the poets
could gratify the expression
of their erotic sentiments
and could also cater to
kindred sentiments among the
audience without the fear of
shocking their taste or
appearing irreligious. In
Sanskrit and particularly
in Bengali poetry that
flourished in the 16th and 17th
centuries we find that erotic
sentiments displayed
through the divine personages
of Krsna and Radha
became the religious creed of
a particular sect of
Vaisnavism. Such expressions
of eroticism were unrelated
to marital restrictions and it
was supposed that
such dalliance between Krsna
and Radha took place in
transcendental bodies to which
criticisms from the standpoint
of ordinary mundane life were
hot applicable.
They were the demonstrations
of love in life divine and
a devotee may enjoy them from
an upper sphere of
spirituality with which the
carnal being is out of contact.
This idea of transforming
eroticism into a religion
had not its beginniag only in
the 15th or 16th century
INTRODUCTION
literature of Bengal but it
can be traced in the Bhagavata
and other literature as early
as the 5th or 6th
century A.D.
It may be pointed out in this
connection that sex 8a*fk
v
r
e
it
m
liberty in fields other than
marital were allowed in
society and accepted by the
legal literature, though not
approved by the higher
conscience of the people. The
existence and persistence of
niyoga for a long time in
Hindu society shows that even
in marital spheres sex
liberty was allowed in a
restricted form. The existence
of various kinds of marriages
and the legal rights allowed
to children produced in a
non-marital manner also
illustrate the contention. In
pre-Christian times, the
Gandharva form of marriage was
regarded as quite
respectable and a girl of a
certain age was given the
right to choose her own
husband, if the parents had not
married her within a
prescribed age. We find in
Kalidasa that Dusyanta says
that tradition goes that
daughters of kings had married
according to the
Gandharva custom and that such
marriages were
approved by parents. This
shows that in Kalidasa's
time at least the Gandharva
marriage was going out of
fashion. But in the story of
Vasavadatta in Bhasa and
also in Avimaraka, it appears
that no exception was taken
to the Gandharva marriage. But
for the restriction by
the Privy Council the law of
Gandharva marriage still
holds according to Hindu Law.
But as early as the
story of Vilhana we find that
in spite of the provision
of Hindu Law the Gandharva
form of marriage was not
recognised by the society.
But side by side with this
liberty of marriage of
earlier times, the rules of
Smrfci gradually made marriage
of women more and more binding
before the attainment
of puberty. Thus, excepting in
the case of nymphs or
daughters of nymphs, or girls
of kings,, from older
INTRODUCTION
stories, like that of
Gunadhya, themes of free love
between adult men and women
are indeed very rare in
Sanskrit dramas. The
Malatlmadhava is a pratyrana
or that type of drama where
the plot is invented by the
poet. But though the story as
a whole is new, elements
of it are mostly found in the
Katha-sarit-sagara. In
Sudraka's Mrcchakatika we have
a portrayal of love
between the courtesan
Vasantasena and Carudatta*.
But yet we have a host of
Sanskrit verses which
deal with the love of
abhisarikas or those women who
themselves come to the houses
of their beloved at night.
In the Kama-sutra also we find
that the houses of the
nagaras were visited by the
abhisarikas. But there is
hardly any instance, apart
from the kathd literature,
wherein any respectable girl
has been depicted as
playing the part of ao
abhisarika. In the anthologies
and atakas we have almost a
superabundance of love
poems which are apparently of
a non-marital character.
But these are mostly single
61okas depicting a love
scene, portraying a passion,
or a love situation, without
any reference to the sort of
persons between whom this
love was carried on.
Mammata makes a distinction
between rasa and
rasabhasa (semblance of rasa).
l When a woman has
many lovers or when illicit
love is expressed, or when
love is not responded to, or
if the expression of love be
with regard to intimate
relations of a higher status, such
expression of love is shocking
to the audience and is
called semblance of amorous
sentiment (rasabhasa).
Thus, some of the best erotic
poems have been counted
1 tadabhasd
anaucitya-pravartitah Kdvya-prakdta IV. 49.
anaucityarp ca
sahfdaya-vyavaharato jfleyarpi yatra te$am anucitamiti dhih.
tacca &fbgare
bahu-viQayatvena upanayakadi-gatatvena nayaka-nayikanyataramatravi$
ayatvena guru-jana-gatatvena
tiryagadi-gatatvadina ca nanaiva.
Uddyota commentary on the
above as quoted in Jhalkikar's edition of Kavya>
prakdfa.
INTRODUCTION Ixv
by many critics as examples of
rasabhasa. Saradatanaya
in his Bhava-prakatana of the
12th century
modified this definition to a
considerable extent and
regarded that only when a
description of love is such
that it creates laughter that
it is called rasabhasa.
If we take the general sweep
of the growth of
Indian civilisation and
culture we find that Hindu
life in India opens with the
pretty vast collection
of poems called the. Vedas,
which are surcharged with
the impressions of Nature in
its beautiful, tender,
terrific and tempestuous
aspects produced upon the
extremely sensitive minds of
the Indian people. The
Aryans when colonising in
India came amongst people
who were either extremely
barbaric and uncivilized,
or who, as in the Indus Valley
and in the South,
were people who had a
civilisation entirely different
from theirs. The Aryans clung
to their social order
of the four varnas, to their
Vedas and to their
original customs and rights in
order to keep their
integrity amongst an alien and
barbaric people. Their
original religion consisted of
hymns to the Nature gods
as preserved in the Vedas
along with certain simple
rites. It is difficult to
reconstruct the nature of these
rites as they have become
merged in the complexity
of rituals associated with the
necessity of the preservation
of fire. The Vedic prose
writings evolved by
way of elaborating and systematising
these sacrificial
details. But as the Vedic
families grew in number and
expanded in different
directions in the East and the
South a separate secular life
evolved and differentiated
from the original Vedic
structure and it gave rise to
various professions as cities
began to grow. The
original motive of the early
Vedic hymns was religious
worship &nd as such
Sanskrit literature has seldom been
able to free itself from the
religio-raoral element. But
I-1348B
Growth of
Indian civilisation
from Vedic
literature.
INTRODUCTION
with the expansion of life two
other motives differentiated
themselves in an absolutely
clear and distinct form.
The Vedic religion had its
magical element with reference
to supra-mundane happiness and
all through the
development of Indian religion
and philosophy it had
never been able to get rid of
this magical element. The
philosophy of the Vedanta, the
Buddhism, the Yoga and
the Samkhya have always to
depend upon the concept of
magic and illusion as the
fundamental pivot of the
superstructure of these
philosophies.
Natural But with regard to the
mundane affairs, the Indians
India. have always been
absolutely definite, concrete and
realistic in their
conceptions. There is no mysticism
whatsoever in Sanskrit poetry.
They are all based upon
concrete and tangible
emotions. The inexhaustible
wealth of natural phenomena in
a country of tropical
climate girdled by great
mountain ranges, deep and
extensive oceans interspersed
with long and wide rivers ;
where the seasons appear in so
marked a manner,
with glorious colours of the
sky, the glowing sunshine,
silvery moonbeams, the pouring
sonorous rains, the
sweet and green verdure, the
blossoming fragrant
flowers of all hues and beauty
; where birds with brilliant
feathers and sweet chirpings and
cooings and
animals of all description,
the beautiful antelopes, the
fleet steed, the majestic
elephants and the royal lions
are abundant in the forests ;
all these captivated the
sensitive minds of the Indians
as much as the gazelieeyed
damsels, with their ruddy
cheeks and lips, the
flowing raven hair, and
healthy physique of emphatic
outlines of figure.
Thecbarac- /Q the other hand,
the Indian mind is subtle, deep,
Indian tem- logical to the
extreme, imaginative and analytic.\ The
men.
jn(jjan m\n^ has as much
appeal to passion and
emotion, desire for enjoying
the world at its best as for
iNTfeODtJCTION Ixvii
making provision for future
post-mortem welfare which
is as real to it as the world
here on earth. At the
same time, the Indian mind
takes infinite delight in
carrying on logical thoughts
to their consistent conclusions
in analysing, classifying,
naming and arranging
the data in any sphere of
experience. Again, the
climatic conditions in which
the Aryans in India
came to live were such that
their very existence in life
often depended upon favourable
showers which alone
could render their corn-fields
fertile. They had thus to
depend upon fate and
Providence as the fundamental
datum for their well-being.
Yet they were fully conscious
and alive to the efficiency of
human will and action
Human beings are not mere
playthings in the hands o
Nature. (The Indians in the
history of their civilisation
understood the value of human
life and human existence
as the end and purpose of the
whole of natural
existence. \ They therefore
somehow believed that fate
or destiny, howsoever unknown
and unknowable may
be its nature, can in reality
be influenced and modified
by our actions. Herein they
fell back on faith which
was an indispensable postulate
for proper action. This
world is for our enjoyment and
so we have the
world beyond the present,
after death, which must be
for our happy existence and it
is somehow given to
us that whatever may be the
obstacles in the way of
destiny or fate or in the way
of the vagaries of natural
phenomena, it lies in our
power, which is itself a faith,
that we can modify its nature
and method of working
in our favour. Early in the
history of human civilisation
they discovered the existence
of a supreme power which
not only controlled the phenomena
of the external world
but also all the biological
phenomena of life, the functions
of our cognitive and conative
senses. They began
to search for the secret of
this power in the external
Ixviii
The genius
and temperament
of
the race
shows itself
in the literature.
world and being disappointed
therein, turned inwardly
to their own minds and
discovered that the secret of
.this great power that ruled
the life, the universe and
the man, was nothing but the
self. Thus, side by
side with the development of
the magical literature
which elaborated the
sacrificial doctrine that sought
the source of all power
outside man in his ritual
dealings with the external
world, we have the secret
instructions of the Upanisads
which reveal to us
the ultimate philosophy and
secret of human life and
its place in Nature.
Literature is but a mode of
the self-expression of the*
inner man. The external man is
visible, the internal
man is invisible. We can look
at the articles of civilisation,
the house, the furniture, the
dress, the ordinary
marks of refinement or
rusticity, energy or constraint,
customs and manners,
intelligence, inventiveness and
coolness, but all these are
but different roads, the visible
avenues that lead us to the
invisible internal man as
these are but his ways of
expression. The internal man
is but an organic unity of
emotive and conative impulses
which unroll themselves in
accordance with the influences,
physical and social, in which
the person has to
evolve. The gifts of a
particular race are its own.
The peculiarities of the Greek
imagination that gave us
the twin sister of the
Antigone of Sophocles and the
goddesses of Phidias are the
peculiar expressions of the
Greek mind. As there are
differences in anatomical
structure between the various
species of animal and plant
lives, so there are essential
anatomical peculiarities in
the structure of the different
racial minds. If we take
the life of a man like
Cromwell as depicted by Carlyle
, we may discover a secret
organic unity within him and
an inner soul which would
explain all his springs of
action. We find how a soul is
working with the
IxiX
troubling reverses of a
melancholic imagination but with
a tendency and temperament and
instinct which is
English to its very core,
unintelligible to those who
have not studied the peculiar
English, climate and
still more the peculiarities
of the genius of the English
race. In and through his
letters and mutilated speeches
one may have the panorama of
pictures that led
him from his farm and team to
the general's tent
and the Protector's throne ;
all through the changes
and vicfssitudes of life, in
his freaks of conscience
and political conclusions, the
entire machinery of
bis/ mind becomes directly
visible ; and all through
his individuality we mark the
peculiarities of the
insulated Englishman. In
understanding the peculiar
transformation of the English
life in the middle ages
we can perceive how from under
the meaningless
theological discussions and
monotonous sermons, how
from underneath the beating of
living hearts, the convulsions
and apathies of monastic life,
the unpredicted
genius of English life
re-asserts itself in wavy turmoils
and how the inroads of
surrounding worldliness and its
struggles with the monastic
ideal, the true appreciation
of civic life in its exactness,
balance and strength,
reveals itself, and how the
iron determination of the
race shows itself through its
constant struggle with
the neighbouring states. How
this English genius is
well-contrasted with that of
France, cultured and refined
with her drawing-room manners
and untiring
analysis of character and
actions, her keen irony and
ready wit, her finesse so
practised in. the discrimination
of shades of thought, her
turbulent and uncontrollable
emotions, can be judged by any
one who would care to
study the representative
literature of the two countries.
The idea of a supernatural
world, of God and His
relation to man is indeed
common to most civilised
1XX INTRODUCTION
human races, but it is the
peculiar mode and appre*
hension distinctly unique in
itself that has in one case
resulted in the architecture
of the churches being thrown
down the old status,
destruction of pictures and
ornaments, curtailment of
ceremonies, shutting up of
worshippers in high pews and
the like and in the other
case in the erection of
temple-structures, installation of
images, abolition of windows,
darkening of the inner
chamber, and at the same time
in the provision for
individual worship for every
person according to his
needs and also in the
provision for conceiving God
as formless, graspable only in
thought and devotion
and purity of character. While
truth is regarded
as one in the European
countries, the Indians have
always regarded the reality of
grades and aspects of
truth. It is for this reason
that evolution in Europe
has always taken place by
destroying or modifying the
old, ushering in the new with
a total disregard of the
old except in so far as its
elements lay hidden in
the structure of the new.
Indian genius, however, felt
no contradiction between the
old and the new. The
development of Indian thought
therefore is the ushering
in of the new without the
annulment of the old. While
the development of the
Upanisadic monism may ,on
one hand be regarded as the
annulment of the pluralism
of Vedic sacrifices and rituals
yet the latter persisted
side by side with the former
through centuries. The
Indian always found such
relations between the old and
the new that it regarded every
aspect of the evolution
as true with reference to
human history and the history
of truth in evolution. The
European who does not
understand this peculiarity of
the Indian genius, must
necessarily fail to have a
proper perspective of the evolution
and development of Indian
thought. The Indians
do not feel any contradiction
in taking to Vedic forms
INTRODUCTION Ixxi
of rituals at the time of
marriage and have the images
of Siva, Visnu and Sakti
installed in his family temples
and at the same time regard
the Brahman as the ultimate
truth as formless, causeless
and yet the cause of all.
Many European scholars have
discussed the question
of the secular or religious
origin of dancing and
dramatic plays. They have
failed to notice that the
origin is both religious and
secular and in the same
performance even now both
religious and secular value
is attached. The Vaisnava
lyrics are tested from a
literary point of view as
excellent poems of love and at
the same time they are enjoyed
with deep religious
fervour developing into
religious frenzy and unconscious
states of emotional depth.
When the Aryan settlers
entered India in successive
hordes and found themselves
amongst the aborigines of
India, the most important
concern with them was the
maintenance of the integrity
of their race and culture.
They were, however, somewhat
humane in their temperament
and could not think of
destroying absolutely
those of the aborigines who
submitted to them against
the hostile ones, the Raksasas
and the Asuras. They
carried on an interminable war
against the hostile ones
until at least most of them
were destroyed. It is not
impossible that the
civilization of the people of the Indus
Valley which is almost
universally admitted as being
pre-Vedic was so destroyed. At
the same time it would
be unwise to think that even
these hostile people had
not infiltrated some of their
customs and religious
beliefs and other elements of
their civilisation. The
Siva cult and the Yoga cult
may be pointed out as
specific instances of such
infiltration. A close analysis
and comparison of the elements
of earliest Vedic civilisation
may in course of time reveal
many more instances
of mutual contact and
indebtedness,
Religious
and secular
ideas wedde
together.
Contact
with alien
races.
INTRODUCTION
The idea But along with the
successful war and occupation of
of dnarma as to
.
social integ- the country and
gradual extension of the civilisation
towards the East along the
course of the Ganges and towards
the South beyond the Vindhyas,
unobstructed at
the time by any foreign
invasions, the principal problem
before these Aryans was to
solve the question of social
synthesis consistent with
absolute social integrity.
They felt that without such a
social integrity their
unity and fraternity would be
lost and their influence
and existence would be
destroyed under the strange
influence of an alien land.
They therefore fell back for
the preservation of their old
customs and manners to
the religious practices as
preserved in the oral traditions
of the Vedas and the
subsequent Vedic literature as it
developed gradually in course
of time. Their chief
motive urge was social
preservation and social continuity
and maintenance of its
integrity and solidarity,
which the term ' dharma '
etymologically means.
Such a problem need not arise
in any appreciable manner
in the case of those Aryans
who had migrated to the
Western countries for where
-the Aryans were in large
multitude they destroyed the
original aborigines and
the inter-marriage between the
various hordes of Aryans
did not or could not lead to
any disruption of their
social integrity as Aryans. In
Iran the Aryans preserved
their integrity and thus their
civilization till the advent
of the Moslems and when they
could not withstand the
impact of Islamic invasion
they largely lost their
integrity and their
civilisation merged with the
civilisation of the Semitic
people. But even there
the best literature and
philosophy of the Islamic
world had been produced by the
Persian converts.
No other nation has been known
to produce literature
and philosophy of a standard
higher than that of
the Aryans,
INTRODUCTION Ixxiii
As the preservation of the
Vedic culture was thus
regarded upon as the only
means of social preservation
and the maintenance of social
integrity, and was thus
looked upon as dharma, the
idea of dharma as conformity
to old customs and manners of
Vedic times
became the main spring not
only of the evolution of the
legal literature, the Purdnas
and the Dharma-dastras,
but it became ingrained in the
society as the fundamental
and indispensable structure
and scheme of all its
cultural products. Nothing
could be allowed to prevail
that would come into conflict
with the dharma.
This dharma again was based
upon a literature and
pre-eminently upon a poetic
literature, viz., the Vedas.
Literature thus in one sense
as a traditional storehouse
of past customs and manners,
was the source of
dharma and it was dharma also
that was in some
sense at least the dominant
influence or guide in the
production and development of
later literature. Practices
of a secular nature that
prevailed in old Vedic times
became associated on the one
hand with dharma and on
the other they continued to
have a development on
secular lines such as would
not be inconsistent with the
practice of dharma.
I shall give one instance. In
the Rgveda I. 92.4
there is a passage which
describes the dancing of a
courtesan (nrtu) adhi pe$amsi
vapate nrtur-iva-pornute
vaksa ticchreva varjaham.
Sayana in commenting on the
verse explains it as follows :
nrtur-iva nartayantlyosidiva
pe&arrisi, rupa-namaitat
sarvair-darfaniyani rupani
usa adhivapate svatmani
adhikam dhdrayati vaksah
svaklyam urahpradefam pornute
anacchaditam karoti
i.e., the Usas is like a
dancing girl who carefully clothes
herself in her best raiments
but keeps her bosom
uncovered in order to attract
the eyes of all. Now,
a terracotta figure of a
dancing girl with beautiful and
J 1843B
The concept
of
dharma
depends on
the Vedas.
Continuity
of even the
semi-secular
practices
through the
ages.
Ixxiv INTRODUCTION
Dharma,
the guiding
principle of
Hindu culture.
Secular
utlook and
be doctrine
f trivarga.
sparkling raiments over all
her body but with bare bosoms
has been discovered in the
Maurya level of excavation
near the site of the present
Patna College. (See
A. Banerjee-Sastri's article,
I. H. Q., 1933, p. 155.)
Now, we find that exactly the
same kind of dancing girl
that used to dance before the
audience in Vedic times
appears in the same kind of
dress keeping her bosoms
bare and her body clothed in
raiments before the
audience in Maurya times. The
continuity of the
practice of the same kind of
dancing with same kind of
clothes for more than thousand
years, cannot but appear
to us surprising. Exactly the
same sort of dancing of
the Devadasis may even now be
noticed in many of the
temples of the South.
We thus notice a strange
continuity of secular
practices and a strange
association of these with religious
practices which has led many
scholars to
conceive the development of
Indian drama from religious
sources. The point, however,
that we wish to lay stress
upon here, is that the motive
ot dharma being essentially
of the nature of social
preservation and maintenance
of social solidarity, had
never been lost sight of in the
development of Indian
literature. The importance of
this would be realised when we
consider that even
to-day the indispensable
definition of being a Hindu
consists in his participation
in and loyalty to the Vedic
practices.
If we closely review the
tendencies of the Vedic
culture', we find that in
addition to the adherence to
certain Vedic customs and
manners and the doctriues
of sacrifices, the Vedic
people were anxious like other
Aryan people to provide for
wealth and enjoyment in
this life &nd for making
provision for happiness hereafter.
As a matter of fact, most of
their prayers are
for mundane advantages,
prosperity and happiness.
INTRODUCTION 1XXV
Even a cursory reading of the
Atharva Veda will show
that these Vedic people would
offer prayers even for the
meanest advantage and pleasure
of vulgar types. The
idea of dharma was later on
supplemented with high
moral ideals, self-control,
control of passions and the
like? culminating in the
desire for liberation, but the
idea of sense-enjoyment and
the accumulation of articles
of prosperity, i.e., kama and
artha, remained all through
the centuries more or less
unaffected. The Hindu
culture thus has been
motivated principally by four
impulses, the impulse of
dharma, artha, kama and
moksa. Of these the moksa
literature consists primarily
of the Upaniads, the works of
the different philosophical
systems, the
religio-philosopbical literature of the
Tantras and the like. The
impulse of dharma is to be
found in the sacrificial
literature and its accessories, the
Vedahgas. The motive of artha
forms the content of the
Vartta literature which is now
mostly extinct. The
motive of kama in its special
application to sexology
has led to the development of
a fairly large literature
on the Kama-tastra. The
dharma, artha and kama
together are called the
trivarga. The literature of
Political Science, the Kavya
and the like are supposed
to have been motivated by the
three fundamental
emotive tendencies, dharma,
artha and kama. Of these
the huge stotra literature is
motivated by the impulse of
dharma while the other forms
of literature, viz., Epic
Kavyas, Lyric Kavyas, the
Dramas, have been motivated
by three principles, dharma,
artha and kama and
so also is the katha
literature and the niti literature.
We have said above that the
genius of the Indian
mind is at once extremely
analytic and imaginative.
For this reason we have a
fairly large literature of
Natya-tastra and Alamkara-astra,
which not only analyses
in Jdetail the various
elements that constitute the
1XXVI INTRODUCTION
complex act of dancing, acting
and music, but which
has also tried to review in
detail the structure and
technique of the Drama as well
as the principles underlying
the display of sentiments
through the histrionic
art as well as poetry in
general.
Bharata in describing natya
has characterised it
as productive of dharma and
fame, as conducive to long
life and increasing the
understanding and as instructive
to people in general. It is
supposed to be the conjoint
result of all knowledge,
wisdom, art and craft. Its
purpose is to produce a sort
of imitation of human events
and character. It produces
satisfaction and rest for the
suffering, the fatigued, the
wretched and it consoles
those that are troubled by
grief.
l Dramatic art is thus
regarded by Bharata, the
author of the earliest work
on the science of dramaturgy
now available, as the art
of reproduction by imitation.
Consistently with it,
Dhananjaya has defined natya
as the reproduction of a
situation and as the different
characters are given visible
form (rupa) in the person of
the actors, a drama is called
a rupaha. Among the
commentators of Bharata there
are learned discussions
regarding the sense in which a
dramatic performance may be
regarded as a reproduction
in the sense of imitation and
Abhinavagupta, the most
penetrating and distinguished
critic of art, strongly
objects to the idea of
imitation. He holds that through
music, dancing, acting and the
dress, dyeing, and the
stage environment, the
dramatic performance is entirely
1 nana-bhavopasampannaip
nana-vasthanta<ratmakam \
hka-vrttdnukaranaw
na}yametanmaya kftam II
dutykhartanam $ramartanarp
$okartanarp tapasvinam \
viAranti-jananam kale natyametad
bhavifyati II
dharmyatp yatasyamayuqyarp
hitarp buddhi-vivatdhanam \
loko-padeta-jananarp
natyametad bhavijyati II
no taj*jfianarp na
tac-chilpaip na sa vidya na sa kala \
n&sau yogo na tat karma
n&tye'smin yanna drSyate II
Bharata's Natyatastra.
INTRODUCTION IxXVJl
a new art for the production
of aesthetic joy and it is
not imitation in any ordinary
sense of the term.
Abhinavagupta says that
imitation of other's movements
would produce the ludicrous
and imitation of
other's feelings and emotions
is impossible. The
influence of music, the sight
of the other actors and the
stage environment produce in
the actor an influence by
which he forgets his
spatio-temporal, actual or local
personality and thus
transfigures himself into his
dramatic personality and a new
world consistent with
the spirit of the dramatic
situation appears in him and
his performance produces in a
similar manner a new
influence, and a new type of
communication emerges out
of him and enlivens the mind
of the audience. But we dramatic
shall not enter here into any
details of the nature of arfc<
art-communication. We are only
interested to point
out that dramatic performance
becomes an art when
recitation in the form of
dialogues associated with
suitable gestures, postures,
movement, dancing, dress
and music, succeeds in giving
expressions to sentiments
and passions so as to rouse
similar sentiments in the
minds of the audience. Thus it
becomes a dramatic
art. Thus Natyadarpana says :
natakamiti natayati
vicitram ranjanat praveena
sabhyanam hrdayam nartayati
iti natakam. 1 In this sense a
dramatic performance
should be distinguished from
mere recitation
which is not so effective. We
have elsewhere in the
editorial notes tried to show
the manner in which the
dramatic performance evolved
through a combination of
recitation, dancing and acting
and the fact that there
were at least in the 2nd
century B.C. and in the time
of the Mauryyas, schools and
teachers for the training
of the dramatic art.
1 yadyapi kathadayo'pi
srotfhfdayatn natayanti tathapiahk opayadinavp
vaicitryahetunamabhavdt na
tathd ratlfakatvam iti na te nfyakam I
Ixxviii INTRODUCTION
Keligious
value of
dramatic
performances.
The episode
of King
Kulasekhara,
We have said above that the
kacyas and the natya
contributed to dharma, artha
and kama and Bharata's
specification of the object of
dramatic performance also
confirms the view. Not only is
natya called a Veda for
universal instruction and the
author of the Natyaastra
called a muni (saint) but
dramatic performances were
generally held in times of
religious festivities and when
they consisted in the
reproduction of the great characters
of the Rdmayana and the
Mahabharata, they had not
only an educative value in
rousing noble passions but
they were regarded also as
productive of merit, both for
those who performed them and
for those who listened to
and witnessed them. Even
to-day the Kamacarita is
played in a peculiar manner in
the United Provinces in
India, where the players as
well as the audience are
surcharged with a religious
emotion. Again, when a
kathaka or a reciter would
recite, say, the episode of
the marriage of Sita,
religiously-minded persons would
have the impression in their
minds that the marriage of
Sita was actually taking place
before them and those
who can afford to do it, would
willingly offer golden
ornaments and jewels as
articles of dowry for Sita,
which of course, are received
by the Brahmin reciting
as his fees. Even those who
cannot afford to pay
much would offer whatever they
can, fruits and flowers,
coins, grains, etc., on such
an occasion. Here, again,
we must note the imaginative
character of the Indians,
who can very easily lose their
personality when they
listen to the imaginary
description of deeds that are
dear to their hearts. I do not
know if any other people
in the world have such
imaginary susceptibilities.
In the Prapannamrta (Chap. 86)
by Anantacarya
there is a curious episode of
King Kula^ekhara who was
a Tamil king living in the
12th century, who was very
fond of listening to the
recitation of the Ramayana.
INTRODUCTION Ixxix
When he listened to a verse to
'the effect that Kama was
alone to meet the fourteen
thousand demons, he became
so much excited with the
affair that he immediately
armed himself from head to
foot and was on the point of
marching with all his arrny to
meet Havana as an ally
of Rama.1 Such imaginative
predilection of the Indian
people could easily be
utilised by the poets by dealing
with characters of the
Rdmdyana and the Mahabharata
and the Puranas as a means of
rousing the religious
and moral interest of the
audience and thereby contributing
to dharma. We know that the
Rdmdyana,
which is definitely called a
Mvya and the Mahabharata 9
which is called an itihdsa,
are regarded as invested
with the holiness of the
Vedas. Thus, there was an
easy bridge between what may
be called dharma and
what may be called plain
literature. We can also
assume that the Indian people
in general were as a rule
religi'ously-minded and cared
for that type of literature
which initiated them to
religious principles and
strengthened their faith in a
pleasurable manner
through amusements. This may
be a very important
reason why most of the plots
of Indian dramas and
kdvyas were taken from the
Rdmdyana, the Mahabharata
and the Puranas. There are
indeed some plots
derived either directly or
indirectly from Gunadhya or
the floating materials used by
him or from similar other
sources. In other cases, the
lives of great kings or
saints also form the
subject-matter of the kdvyas and
the dramas and in a few cases
historical events have
tarn imam Slokam, bhaktiman
kulatekharah |
caturdata-sahasrdni raksasam
bhlma-kannanam \
ekatca rdmo dharmdtmd
katharfl'yuddharp, bhaviqyati \
asahisnustato'dharmayuddharp
6ighram> skhalad-gatih \
dhanurvanaip samdddya
khajgarii carma ca viryyavan
caturangabalopeto janasthdnam-
kftatvarah I
pratasthe tatk$ane tasya
saMyarthavp, haripriyah II
Religious
temperament
of the
people often
explains the
choice of
plots.
Ixxx INTRODUCTION
Idealistic
or religious
motives
sometimes
inspired the
poets in
framing the
plots.
also been made the
subject-matter of literature. Side
by side with these historical
kdvyas we have many
prafasti-kavyas in
inscriptions which are of excellent
poetic merit, such as, the
pratastis by Kavigvara
Rama (700-800 A.D.) and the
LalitaSuradeva of the
9th century A.D. , &c.
Not only in the choice of
subjects but also in the
framing of the plots, poets
were sometimes guided by
idealistic motives. Thus
Kalidasa described the physical
beauty of Parvati to its
perfection in the Kumarasambhava,
but in the matter of the
fruition of her love
for a great yogin like Siva,
the fragile physical beauty
was not deemed enough. She
must go through the
hardest penance in order that
she may make her love
fruitful. It is only the
spiritual glory and spiritual attainment
of spiritual beauty, beauty
attained by self-control
and the attainment of moral
height that can become
permanent and eternal. 1 In
the case of the love of
Sakuntala, who in the
intensity of her love had forgotten
her duties in the hermitage,
she had to suffer cruel
rebuff and practical
banishment in sorrow. The lusty
love of tTrva^I was punished
by her being turned into a
creeper. Thus, the poet
Kalidasa, when describing the
passion of love, is always
careful to demonstrate that
hama should not in its
intensity transgress the
dharma. But the same poet was
not in the least
perturbed in giving us glowing
experiences of conjugal
satisfaction that took place
between Siva and Parvati, or
conjugal yearning in the case
of the Yaksa for his
1
iye$a sd
kartumabandhya-rupatam samddhimdsthdya tapobhirdtmanah
\
avdpyate vd
kathamanyathadvayvm tathdvidham prema patisca tddrtah\\
Kumarasambhava 9 Canto V, 2.
INTRODUCTION Ixxxi
The ideal
beloved spouse. Kama in itself
is not undesirable or
bad, but when it transgresses
dharma it becomes
wicked. The kama of King
Agnivarna in RaghuvaniSa
led to his destruction. It is
for this reason
that the Sanskrit poets of
India instead of portraying
mere characters or giving
expression to ardent
love or other sentiments as
such, or devising their
plots at random from their
everyday sphere of experiences,
had to adopt a particular
scheme, a framework
of types, within which
limitations they had to
give vent to their poetic
effusions. The scheme or
the frame should be such that
the .fundamental principle
that dharma, artha and kama
should not transgress
marga'
one another leading to
disastrous results, may
be observed. But here again,
with the exception
of Bhasa, most of the writers
had conformed to the
poetic convention that no
drama should end with
disastrous consequences. Here
again, a drama as an
work of art was regarded as a
whole, as a cycle complete
in itself. A drama ending with
disastrous
consequences would be a
mutilated piece from the
world of our experience it
would merely mean that
the cycle has not been
completed, or that it is only
a partial view and not the
whole. Inspite of the
charge of pessimism often laid
at the door of Indian
thought by the Westerners, it
should be noted that
the Indians who admit, sorrow
as a partial aspect of
things would regard it as
negative in the conception
of the whole or totality. A
drama in its totality must
aim at some realisation. It is
for this reason that the
fully developed drama, viz., a
nataka, should have in it
five critical situations
called the mukha, pratimukha,
Ijarbha, vimarta and
nirvahana. Thus in the drama
Ratnavali, the love of
Sagarika at seeing the king
Udayana at first sight,
introduces the main theme
Drama
an epitome
of life.
The five
critical
situations.
INTRODUCTION
of the drama which would
culminate in the end in
the happy union of tldayana
with Sagarika. This
is the seed, as it were, which
would fructify in
the whole drama. This seed of
first love was somewhat
obscured by the artifice of
the king and other
events that followed, but its
shoot is again manifested
when in Act II through the
arrangement of Susangata
king Udayana and Sagarika met
each other. This is
called the pratimukha-sandhi.
The garbha-sandhi is
that in which there are
obstructive events which lead
the reader to doubt whether
the hopes raised would be
fulfilled or not. Thus, when
in Sakuntala we have
the curse of Durvasa and later
on, the repulsion of
Sakuntala by the king in the
Court, and her disappearance,
we have the garbha-sandhi. Later
on,
when at the sight of the ring
the king is reminded of
Sakuntala, we have the
vimarta-sandhi, or inspite of
the obstruction and doubt, the
reader is again
encouraged to hope and is
partially satisfied with regard
to the expected union. The
last nirvahana-sandhi is
that in which the king
Dusyanta becomes again united
with Sakuntala in Act VII.
Thus the five critical
situations constitute a unity,
an epitome of our life as
a whole. Life has its crises,
its difficulties and
disappointments, but we have
always to be hopeful
regarding the final
fulfilment. The drama is thus the
reflection of life as a whole
from the Indian point of
view and contains its own
philosophy. The critics,
however, recommend further
divisions of each of the
critical stages into which we
need not enter. What
is important to note here is
the general review of
life.
of Drama has several forms,
viz., nataka, prakarana?
nfitifefl, prakarani, vyayoga,
samavakftra, bhclna,
dttna, utsrtikahka, lhamrga,
vlthi and prahasana. The
INTRODUCTION Ixxxiii
ptakarana deals with the plot
consisting of the
characters of ordinary people,
such as the minister,
Brahmin, merchant and the like
and the plot generally
is the poet's own invention,
or taken from historical
episodes. Thus Malatlmadhava
is a prakarana. The
heroine may either be a wife
or a courtesan. In Mrcchakatika
we have a courtesan as a
heroine and in Malatlmadhava
a wife. The other characters
belong also
to the sphere of common
people. Among the women
characters we have the
procuresses and other common
women. In a prakarana there
are generally troublous
events and the principal hero
is of a patient and
peaceful temperament
(dhiratanta) . The natika is
a mixture of nataka and
prakarana. The principal
sentiment is generally love
and the hero is generally
of a soft and amorous
temperament. It generally
deals with the characters of
kings. The hero king
is always afraid of the queen
in carrying on his amorous
adventures. There are more
heroines than heroes.
It may be of one, two, three
or four Acts. A bhana
portrays the character of a
knave or rogue (dhurta),
wherein only one person acts
in imaginary dialogues,
i.e., behaving as if the actor
was responding to the
question or speech of another
and it consists only of
one Act and it may include
dancing as v^ll. Though
there is but only one actor,
he carries on dialogues
with imaginary persons not
present on the stage. It
may also include singing.
Sometimes one may sit and
recite with gestures. It
generally portrays the amorous
sentiment and sometimes heroism,
The prahasana
consists in portraying the
sentiment of the ludicrous
generally at the expense of
the religious sects ; the
actors and actresses are
generally courtesans and their
associates and the members of
the sects at whose
expense the fun is being
enjoyed. It generally consists
INTRODUCTION
of one Act. A dima portrays
the behaviours and
characters of ghosts and
ghostly beings, Gandharvas,
Yakas and Baksasas. It
generally portrays the sentiment
of anger and that of the
loathsome and disgusting
and treats of dreadful things
like the eclipse, the
thunder and the comet. It
generally consists of four
Acts and has four critical
situations. As examples of
this, one may refer to the
Tripuradaha, Vrtroddharana
and Tdrakoddharana . A vyayoga
has for its hero either
gods or kings and has but few
actors, three, four or
five, but not exceeding ten.
The two critical situations,
garbha and vimar$a are absent.
It describes
generally deeds of violence
and fighting, but the
fighting is not for the sake
of any woman. It generally
deals with the happenings of
one particular day. A
samavakara deals with
legendary episodes of the conflict
between the gods and demons.
It generally deals
with the sentiment of heroism
and generally consists
of three Acts of three
different times. It portrays siege
of cities or battles or stormy
destructions or destructions
through fire. The
Samudramanthana by Vatsaraja is
a good illustration of
samavakara. A mthi consists
of one Act, like the
Vakulavithi. It generally portrays
the sentiment of love and is
sometimes accompanied
with dancing and amorous
gestures and generally there
is one or two actors. The
utsrstikdhka deals with
a known legend or a fairy tale
and portrays cruel deeds
and battles. Many young women
are introduced as
weeping and sorrowing. Though
full' of dreadful
events, it would end in peace.
Generally it contains
three Acts. Actual killing
should not be shown on the
stage though sometimes
violation of this rule is seen,
as in the utsrstikanka called
the Nagananda, where
Jimiitavahana dies on the
stage. An lhamrga portrays
fighting for the sake of women
and the hero may be
INTRODUCTION ixxxv
godly or human and there may
be great fights for the
possession of heavenly nymphs.
There are generally
four Acts and the plot is
derived from well-known stories
modified by the dramatist.
A review of these various
forms of dramatic performance
sheds some new light upon the
problem of the
evolution of the drama. Of
these various forms of the
drama it is only the ndtaka
and the prakarana that
may be regarded as
full-fledged dramas. Of these two,
again, the ndtaka should be
based upon a well-known
story and the hero, who is
generally a king, should be
possessed of all kingly
qualities. Though the story should
be derived only from legends,
yet whatever may be improper
or undesirable should be left
out. There should
be many characters in it and
there should be the
five sandhis and a proper
balance between the various
Acts. The sentiment to be
portrayed should be either
heroic or amorous and nothing
that may be shocking,
dreadful or shameful should be
shown on the stage.
It should consist of at least
five Acts and it should not
have more than ten Acts and
each Act should contain
the event of one day or half a
day. The Vikramorvasl
is a five-Act drama, the
Rdmdbhyudayaa, six-Act drama,
the Sakuntala a seven-Act
drama, the Nalavikrama an
eight- Act drama, the
Deviparinaya a nine-Act drama and
the Bdlardmdyana a ten-Act
drama. The ndtaka form
of drama is regarded as the
best and it is supposed to
contribute todfearma,
artfeaand kdma inconsistency with
each other. 1 The prakarana
resembles the ndtaka, only
ato hi nfyakasya'sya
pr&thamyarp parikalpitam I
wafj/o-fledan*
vidhayadavwin&ha pit&mahalj, I
dharmadi-sadhanavp natyarp,
sarva-duhkhd-panodanam I
dsevadhvam tadrsayas
tasyotthanam iu nafakam I
divya-manufa-saipyogo
yatrdhkairavidfyakaih II
BhAvapraltaiana of
Sarsdatanaya VIII, pp. 287.238.
Om Tat Sat
(Continued...)
(Continued...)
(My humble salutations to Sreeman S N Dasgupta ji and Sreeman S
K De ji for the collection)
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