Welcome to my blog :)

rss

Wednesday, January 22, 2014

A HISTORY OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE CLASSICAL PERIOD -3














A HISTORY OF SANSKRIT LITERATURE
CLASSICAL PERIOD
VOL. I


General Editor and
Contributors to this Volume:

S. N. DASGUPTA

and

S. K. DE,







We know from Arthatastra that all kinds of
teaching of fine arts and literature were encouraged
by the Mauryyas and that teachers of music, dancing,
acting, etc., were maintained out of the provincial
revenue.) The kings held in their courts from time to
time great exhibitions of poets and scholars, where they
wrangled with one another and vied for victory in
literary contests. There were often Poet Laureates -  
attached to the kingW's court. Srlharsa says that in the  
court of Jayacandra a seat was reserved for him and he
was offered two betel-leaves as a mark of honour,
of
^et us look at the autobiography of Bana who lived
in the court of Srlharsa in the J7th century. . He tells
us that his mother died when he was quite young and
his father also died when he was almost of the age of
fourteen. He was studying at the time and he had
sufficient wealth to maintain himself at home. But
with the beginning of youth he was impatient and got
into naughty habits. At this time he got a number
of associates and friends. (A little scrutiny into the
%k~oJL..associates that Bana had may give us an idea
of the sort of people that lived in the city and bow in
the city life all classes of people mixed together^ Thus
he says that he had for his associates Candasena and
Matrsena, who were born out of a Brahmin father and
a Sudra mother, the poet Isana, B^ra and NarayanaT
who were learned ^schdar^ Bharata^Jjhe composer of
Sanskrit songs, Vgyu-vikara, who was born in the
1 iha kalidasa-inenthav-atra'maiarfipa-sura'bhdravayah/
haiicandra-candraguptau parikitav'ilia vMlayam//
Myate ca pa^aliputre sastrakara-parlkfd,
atro-pavar$a-var<av-iha pdnini-pihgalav-iha vyadify/
varamci-patanjali iha parikfitah khyatim upajagmuh//
r-Kavyarolmarpss, Ch, Xt
INTRODUCTION lix
family of those who made songs in Prakrt, Anarigavana
and Sucivana, two ladies, Katyayanika and Cakravakika,
Ma^uraka the forester, Candaka the seller of
beteMeaves, Mandaraka the _jader,
"
Candaka the
gbysician, Sudrsji the artist, Siddhasena the go'dsmith
and jeweller, Govinda the writer, Vfravarmaja , the
painjgr, Kumaradatta the varnisher, Jlmuta the drummer,
Somila and Grahaditya Jhe singers. Kuramnka  

the independent artisan girl, the pipers, Madhukara
and Paravata, Darduraka the teacher of dancing,
Keralika the massage-girl, the dice-player Akhan<Jal#ka,
the dancing-master Tandavika, fhe actor Sikhandaka,
the nunJ3umati, the monk_yiradeva, the dancing-girl
Haramika, the' reciter Jayasena, the saiva Vakraghoija,
the enchanter Karalakesa, and the magician .Cakoraksa,
Being overcome by such an association he went out of
his home for seeing different countries in an irresponsible
manner and after a time returned to his country.
He then describes the atmosphere of Vedic studies and
sacrifices that prevailed among his relations. Their
houses rang always with the sound of Vedic recitations.
People had their forehead besmeared with ashes, their
long hairs were brown like fire. The children^^who
came to see the sacrificial ceremonies, sat on different
s^gs. There were little hollows which were softened
with the flowing soma-juice. The^ards were green
with grass. The signs "of dark deer were lying about
on wKiclT lay the sacrificial cakes and sacrificial rice.
"The nwara paddy were scattered about on the sands.
Hundreds of holy^d[scipies
were bringing the green
ku6a, thesacrificmljvood, qowdung;
the yard was marked
everywhere with the hoofs of cows that supplied
milk for the sacrificial W^|i- Many of the sacrificers
were busy besmearing their kamandalus with
mud. Heaps of branches of fig tree were lying about
ix
for sacrificial pegs. The whole ground was rendered
brown by the sacrificial offerings. The smoke of the
clarified butter had darkened the foliage of trees.
Gradual We have again in Harsacarita the description of
cit/We from splendour and magnificence of the capital ^and^ the
the tillages? court of a Hindu king and the description as to
how he encouraged scholars and poets, artists and
scientists as also the pleasures of a city-life, \ As we
read Kalidasa describing court scenes many centuries
before, we find that the ^court-Jife was not so far
removed by its splendour and majesty from the life
of ordinary people, the citizens, the members of the
hermitage, and the like.j Dillpa ju iisujourney to the
hermitage of Va&stha goes alone with his wife looking
at the village scenes and talking with the rustic* people
on the way. His personal greatness, strength and
vigour of character made such an appearance of his
great personality that though alone he appeared as if he
was in accompaniment of a host of retinue and army.
'There is a naive simplicity in the portrayal of Dillpa
and Du?yanta, of Vikrama and Pusyamitra which
we cannot find in Bana's portrayal. As we move up
to Bhasa, we find that life in general, whether^ in
court^^^outaide1 was more akin to the description
that we find in the Arthasastra, ^yith the difference
that performances of Vedic sacrifices have a greater
prominence in the lives of kings than what we find
in the portrayal of royal lives in Kalidasa or
Bana. } Already in Kalidasa the hermits from the forest
cannot regard the city-life and the court-life with
complacence. Sarngarava and Saradvata think of
the court of Dusyanta as a hall surrounded with fire.
Neither Vikrama nor Dusyanta performs any sacrifice
and when Pusyamitra does it, he does so with a sense
of majesty and greatness. Entirely different is the
INTRODUCTION Ixi
portrayal of the kings of the past age with whom
performances of sacrifices and gifts are almost a normal
routine. Even the great hero, Raghu, leaves up his all
after his conquering career in his sacrifice.
We thus see that as we move along the centuries,
the court-life becomes gradually separated from
the life of the people as a wholep With this
separation new types of characters and professionals
of diverse description began to grow up and the court
atmosphere and the city atmosphere gradually became
alienated from the life of the people as a whole. Yet
the older Vedic life and its ideals, as they became more
and more hazy and dreamy, began to assume almost a
supernatural hold consisting of fear and hope for the
people at large. The influence of the legal literature
with their injunctions and restrictions, became more
and more stringent and more and more stiffened and
inelastic as time went on. (li seems that the people as
a whole tolerated the court-life, but hardly assimilated
it in their blood. \ An artificial division was thus
created and more and more emphasised as we take a
long perspective through the centuries from a position
of an early eminence. With the inrush and settlement
of Islamic supremacy and the practical destruction of
Hindu court-life the breakage became almost complete.
In a climate like that of India, people indeed appreciated
the passionate side of life and even from the time
of the Mauryyas or even earlier than that, the courtesans
had almost an unrestricted importance and the
urban taste often descended into vulgarity. We have
the figure in terra cotta of a dancing girl discovered in
the Mauryya level in Patna, where the girl is wearing
shining apparels all over her body but her prominent
breasts are shown uncovered. /1\Iost of the womanfigures
in ancient art show the bosoms of young women
Ixii INTKObUCTIOfc
in an uncovered manner.) This tallies with the description
of women's breasts in so many of our Sanskrit
erotic verses which are shocking to our modern taste
.^
More than this, we find Sanskrit poets vying with one
another in the description of the most delicate acts of
sex-life illustrating, as it were, the descriptions in the
Kama-sutra. But be it as it may, the normal judgment
of tEe audience had most often a sound inclination
and in order to cater to this taste, we often find that
a drama or a kavya most often had a moral lesson to
impart, though it ran always as an undercurrent. It
is for this reason that stories from the Ramayana, the
Mahabharata and the Puranas played such an imporextenfliveij
tant-part for the formation of plots of Kavyas and
dramas. In decadent times, most of the dramas and
kavyas drew their inspiration from religious mythology.
In and through such religious mythology the poets
could gratify the expression of their erotic sentiments
and could also cater to kindred sentiments among the
audience without the fear of shocking their taste or
appearing irreligious. In Sanskrit and particularly
in Bengali poetry that flourished in the 16th and 17th
centuries we find that erotic sentiments displayed
through the divine personages of Krsna and Radha
became the religious creed of a particular sect of
Vaisnavism. Such expressions of eroticism were unrelated
to marital restrictions and it was supposed that
such dalliance between Krsna and Radha took place in
transcendental bodies to which criticisms from the standpoint
of ordinary mundane life were hot applicable.
They were the demonstrations of love in life divine and
a devotee may enjoy them from an upper sphere of
spirituality with which the carnal being is out of contact.
This idea of transforming eroticism into a religion
had not its beginniag only in the 15th or 16th century
INTRODUCTION
literature of Bengal but it can be traced in the Bhagavata
and other literature as early as the 5th or 6th
century A.D.
It may be pointed out in this connection that sex 8a*fk
v
r
e
it
m
liberty in fields other than marital were allowed in
society and accepted by the legal literature, though not
approved by the higher conscience of the people. The
existence and persistence of niyoga for a long time in
Hindu society shows that even in marital spheres sex
liberty was allowed in a restricted form. The existence
of various kinds of marriages and the legal rights allowed
to children produced in a non-marital manner also
illustrate the contention. In pre-Christian times, the
Gandharva form of marriage was regarded as quite
respectable and a girl of a certain age was given the
right to choose her own husband, if the parents had not
married her within a prescribed age. We find in
Kalidasa that Dusyanta says that tradition goes that
daughters of kings had married according to the
Gandharva custom and that such marriages were
approved by parents. This shows that in Kalidasa's
time at least the Gandharva marriage was going out of
fashion. But in the story of Vasavadatta in Bhasa and
also in Avimaraka, it appears that no exception was taken
to the Gandharva marriage. But for the restriction by
the Privy Council the law of Gandharva marriage still
holds according to Hindu Law. But as early as the
story of Vilhana we find that in spite of the provision
of Hindu Law the Gandharva form of marriage was not
recognised by the society.
But side by side with this liberty of marriage of
earlier times, the rules of Smrfci gradually made marriage
of women more and more binding before the attainment
of puberty. Thus, excepting in the case of nymphs or
daughters of nymphs, or girls of kings,, from older
INTRODUCTION
stories, like that of Gunadhya, themes of free love
between adult men and women are indeed very rare in
Sanskrit dramas. The Malatlmadhava is a pratyrana
or that type of drama where the plot is invented by the
poet. But though the story as a whole is new, elements
of it are mostly found in the Katha-sarit-sagara. In
Sudraka's Mrcchakatika we have a portrayal of love
between the courtesan Vasantasena and Carudatta*.
But yet we have a host of Sanskrit verses which
deal with the love of abhisarikas or those women who
themselves come to the houses of their beloved at night.
In the Kama-sutra also we find that the houses of the
nagaras were visited by the abhisarikas. But there is
hardly any instance, apart from the kathd literature,
wherein any respectable girl has been depicted as
playing the part of ao abhisarika. In the anthologies
and atakas we have almost a superabundance of love
poems which are apparently of a non-marital character.
But these are mostly single 61okas depicting a love
scene, portraying a passion, or a love situation, without
any reference to the sort of persons between whom this
love was carried on.
Mammata makes a distinction between rasa and
rasabhasa (semblance of rasa).
l When a woman has
many lovers or when illicit love is expressed, or when
love is not responded to, or if the expression of love be
with regard to intimate relations of a higher status, such
expression of love is shocking to the audience and is
called semblance of amorous sentiment (rasabhasa).
Thus, some of the best erotic poems have been counted
1 tadabhasd anaucitya-pravartitah Kdvya-prakdta IV. 49.
anaucityarp ca sahfdaya-vyavaharato jfleyarpi yatra te$am anucitamiti dhih.
tacca &fbgare bahu-viQayatvena upanayakadi-gatatvena nayaka-nayikanyataramatravi$
ayatvena guru-jana-gatatvena tiryagadi-gatatvadina ca nanaiva.
Uddyota commentary on the above as quoted in Jhalkikar's edition of Kavya>
prakdfa.
INTRODUCTION Ixv
by many critics as examples of rasabhasa. Saradatanaya
in his Bhava-prakatana of the 12th century
modified this definition to a considerable extent and
regarded that only when a description of love is such
that it creates laughter that it is called rasabhasa.
If we take the general sweep of the growth of
Indian civilisation and culture we find that Hindu
life in India opens with the pretty vast collection
of poems called the. Vedas, which are surcharged with
the impressions of Nature in its beautiful, tender,
terrific and tempestuous aspects produced upon the
extremely sensitive minds of the Indian people. The
Aryans when colonising in India came amongst people
who were either extremely barbaric and uncivilized,
or who, as in the Indus Valley and in the South,
were people who had a civilisation entirely different
from theirs. The Aryans clung to their social order
of the four varnas, to their Vedas and to their
original customs and rights in order to keep their
integrity amongst an alien and barbaric people. Their
original religion consisted of hymns to the Nature gods
as preserved in the Vedas along with certain simple
rites. It is difficult to reconstruct the nature of these
rites as they have become merged in the complexity
of rituals associated with the necessity of the preservation
of fire. The Vedic prose writings evolved by
way of elaborating and systematising these sacrificial
details. But as the Vedic families grew in number and
expanded in different directions in the East and the
South a separate secular life evolved and differentiated
from the original Vedic structure and it gave rise to
various professions as cities began to grow. The
original motive of the early Vedic hymns was religious
worship &nd as such Sanskrit literature has seldom been
able to free itself from the religio-raoral element. But
I-1348B
Growth of
Indian civilisation
from Vedic
literature.
INTRODUCTION
with the expansion of life two other motives differentiated
themselves in an absolutely clear and distinct form.
The Vedic religion had its magical element with reference
to supra-mundane happiness and all through the
development of Indian religion and philosophy it had
never been able to get rid of this magical element. The
philosophy of the Vedanta, the Buddhism, the Yoga and
the Samkhya have always to depend upon the concept of
magic and illusion as the fundamental pivot of the
superstructure of these philosophies.
Natural But with regard to the mundane affairs, the Indians
India. have always been absolutely definite, concrete and
realistic in their conceptions. There is no mysticism
whatsoever in Sanskrit poetry. They are all based upon
concrete and tangible emotions. The inexhaustible
wealth of natural phenomena in a country of tropical
climate girdled by great mountain ranges, deep and
extensive oceans interspersed with long and wide rivers ;
where the seasons appear in so marked a manner,
with glorious colours of the sky, the glowing sunshine,
silvery moonbeams, the pouring sonorous rains, the
sweet and green verdure, the blossoming fragrant
flowers of all hues and beauty ; where birds with brilliant
feathers and sweet chirpings and cooings and
animals of all description, the beautiful antelopes, the
fleet steed, the majestic elephants and the royal lions
are abundant in the forests ; all these captivated the
sensitive minds of the Indians as much as the gazelieeyed
damsels, with their ruddy cheeks and lips, the
flowing raven hair, and healthy physique of emphatic
outlines of figure.
Thecbarac- /Q the other hand, the Indian mind is subtle, deep,
Indian tem- logical to the extreme, imaginative and analytic.\ The
men.
jn(jjan m\n^ has as much appeal to passion and
emotion, desire for enjoying the world at its best as for
iNTfeODtJCTION Ixvii
making provision for future post-mortem welfare which
is as real to it as the world here on earth. At the
same time, the Indian mind takes infinite delight in
carrying on logical thoughts to their consistent conclusions
in analysing, classifying, naming and arranging
the data in any sphere of experience. Again, the
climatic conditions in which the Aryans in India
came to live were such that their very existence in life
often depended upon favourable showers which alone
could render their corn-fields fertile. They had thus to
depend upon fate and Providence as the fundamental
datum for their well-being. Yet they were fully conscious
and alive to the efficiency of human will and action
Human beings are not mere playthings in the hands o
Nature. (The Indians in the history of their civilisation
understood the value of human life and human existence
as the end and purpose of the whole of natural
existence. \ They therefore somehow believed that fate
or destiny, howsoever unknown and unknowable may
be its nature, can in reality be influenced and modified
by our actions. Herein they fell back on faith which
was an indispensable postulate for proper action. This
world is for our enjoyment and so we have the
world beyond the present, after death, which must be
for our happy existence and it is somehow given to
us that whatever may be the obstacles in the way of
destiny or fate or in the way of the vagaries of natural
phenomena, it lies in our power, which is itself a faith,
that we can modify its nature and method of working
in our favour. Early in the history of human civilisation
they discovered the existence of a supreme power which
not only controlled the phenomena of the external world
but also all the biological phenomena of life, the functions
of our cognitive and conative senses. They began
to search for the secret of this power in the external
Ixviii
The genius
and temperament
of
the race
shows itself
in the literature.
world and being disappointed therein, turned inwardly
to their own minds and discovered that the secret of
.this great power that ruled the life, the universe and
the man, was nothing but the self. Thus, side by
side with the development of the magical literature
which elaborated the sacrificial doctrine that sought
the source of all power outside man in his ritual
dealings with the external world, we have the secret
instructions of the Upanisads which reveal to us
the ultimate philosophy and secret of human life and
its place in Nature.
Literature is but a mode of the self-expression of the*
inner man. The external man is visible, the internal
man is invisible. We can look at the articles of civilisation,
the house, the furniture, the dress, the ordinary
marks of refinement or rusticity, energy or constraint,
customs and manners, intelligence, inventiveness and
coolness, but all these are but different roads, the visible
avenues that lead us to the invisible internal man as
these are but his ways of expression. The internal man
is but an organic unity of emotive and conative impulses
which unroll themselves in accordance with the influences,
physical and social, in which the person has to
evolve. The gifts of a particular race are its own.
The peculiarities of the Greek imagination that gave us
the twin sister of the Antigone of Sophocles and the
goddesses of Phidias are the peculiar expressions of the
Greek mind. As there are differences in anatomical
structure between the various species of animal and plant
lives, so there are essential anatomical peculiarities in
the structure of the different racial minds. If we take
the life of a man like Cromwell as depicted by Carlyle
, we may discover a secret organic unity within him and
an inner soul which would explain all his springs of
action. We find how a soul is working with the
IxiX
troubling reverses of a melancholic imagination but with
a tendency and temperament and instinct which is
English to its very core, unintelligible to those who
have not studied the peculiar English, climate and
still more the peculiarities of the genius of the English
race. In and through his letters and mutilated speeches
one may have the panorama of pictures that led
him from his farm and team to the general's tent
and the Protector's throne ; all through the changes
and vicfssitudes of life, in his freaks of conscience
and political conclusions, the entire machinery of
bis/ mind becomes directly visible ; and all through
his individuality we mark the peculiarities of the
insulated Englishman. In understanding the peculiar
transformation of the English life in the middle ages
we can perceive how from under the meaningless
theological discussions and monotonous sermons, how
from underneath the beating of living hearts, the convulsions
and apathies of monastic life, the unpredicted
genius of English life re-asserts itself in wavy turmoils
and how the inroads of surrounding worldliness and its
struggles with the monastic ideal, the true appreciation
of civic life in its exactness, balance and strength,
reveals itself, and how the iron determination of the
race shows itself through its constant struggle with
the neighbouring states. How this English genius is
well-contrasted with that of France, cultured and refined
with her drawing-room manners and untiring
analysis of character and actions, her keen irony and
ready wit, her finesse so practised in. the discrimination
of shades of thought, her turbulent and uncontrollable
emotions, can be judged by any one who would care to
study the representative literature of the two countries.
The idea of a supernatural world, of God and His
relation to man is indeed common to most civilised
1XX INTRODUCTION
human races, but it is the peculiar mode and appre*
hension distinctly unique in itself that has in one case
resulted in the architecture of the churches being thrown
down the old status, destruction of pictures and
ornaments, curtailment of ceremonies, shutting up of
worshippers in high pews and the like and in the other
case in the erection of temple-structures, installation of
images, abolition of windows, darkening of the inner
chamber, and at the same time in the provision for
individual worship for every person according to his
needs and also in the provision for conceiving God
as formless, graspable only in thought and devotion
and purity of character. While truth is regarded
as one in the European countries, the Indians have
always regarded the reality of grades and aspects of
truth. It is for this reason that evolution in Europe
has always taken place by destroying or modifying the
old, ushering in the new with a total disregard of the
old except in so far as its elements lay hidden in
the structure of the new. Indian genius, however, felt
no contradiction between the old and the new. The
development of Indian thought therefore is the ushering
in of the new without the annulment of the old. While
the development of the Upanisadic monism may ,on
one hand be regarded as the annulment of the pluralism
of Vedic sacrifices and rituals yet the latter persisted
side by side with the former through centuries. The
Indian always found such relations between the old and
the new that it regarded every aspect of the evolution
as true with reference to human history and the history
of truth in evolution. The European who does not
understand this peculiarity of the Indian genius, must
necessarily fail to have a proper perspective of the evolution
and development of Indian thought. The Indians
do not feel any contradiction in taking to Vedic forms
INTRODUCTION Ixxi
of rituals at the time of marriage and have the images
of Siva, Visnu and Sakti installed in his family temples
and at the same time regard the Brahman as the ultimate
truth as formless, causeless and yet the cause of all.
Many European scholars have discussed the question
of the secular or religious origin of dancing and
dramatic plays. They have failed to notice that the
origin is both religious and secular and in the same
performance even now both religious and secular value
is attached. The Vaisnava lyrics are tested from a
literary point of view as excellent poems of love and at
the same time they are enjoyed with deep religious
fervour developing into religious frenzy and unconscious
states of emotional depth.
When the Aryan settlers entered India in successive
hordes and found themselves amongst the aborigines of
India, the most important concern with them was the
maintenance of the integrity of their race and culture.
They were, however, somewhat humane in their temperament
and could not think of destroying absolutely
those of the aborigines who submitted to them against
the hostile ones, the Raksasas and the Asuras. They
carried on an interminable war against the hostile ones
until at least most of them were destroyed. It is not
impossible that the civilization of the people of the Indus
Valley which is almost universally admitted as being
pre-Vedic was so destroyed. At the same time it would
be unwise to think that even these hostile people had
not infiltrated some of their customs and religious
beliefs and other elements of their civilisation. The
Siva cult and the Yoga cult may be pointed out as
specific instances of such infiltration. A close analysis
and comparison of the elements of earliest Vedic civilisation
may in course of time reveal many more instances
of mutual contact and indebtedness,
Religious
and secular
ideas wedde
together.
Contact
with alien
races.
INTRODUCTION
The idea But along with the successful war and occupation of
of dnarma as to
.
social integ- the country and gradual extension of the civilisation
towards the East along the course of the Ganges and towards
the South beyond the Vindhyas, unobstructed at
the time by any foreign invasions, the principal problem
before these Aryans was to solve the question of social
synthesis consistent with absolute social integrity.
They felt that without such a social integrity their
unity and fraternity would be lost and their influence
and existence would be destroyed under the strange
influence of an alien land. They therefore fell back for
the preservation of their old customs and manners to
the religious practices as preserved in the oral traditions
of the Vedas and the subsequent Vedic literature as it
developed gradually in course of time. Their chief
motive urge was social preservation and social continuity
and maintenance of its integrity and solidarity,
which the term ' dharma '
etymologically means.
Such a problem need not arise in any appreciable manner
in the case of those Aryans who had migrated to the
Western countries for where -the Aryans were in large
multitude they destroyed the original aborigines and
the inter-marriage between the various hordes of Aryans
did not or could not lead to any disruption of their
social integrity as Aryans. In Iran the Aryans preserved
their integrity and thus their civilization till the advent
of the Moslems and when they could not withstand the
impact of Islamic invasion they largely lost their
integrity and their civilisation merged with the
civilisation of the Semitic people. But even there
the best literature and philosophy of the Islamic
world had been produced by the Persian converts.
No other nation has been known to produce literature
and philosophy of a standard higher than that of
the Aryans,
INTRODUCTION Ixxiii
As the preservation of the Vedic culture was thus
regarded upon as the only means of social preservation
and the maintenance of social integrity, and was thus
looked upon as dharma, the idea of dharma as conformity
to old customs and manners of Vedic times
became the main spring not only of the evolution of the
legal literature, the Purdnas and the Dharma-dastras,
but it became ingrained in the society as the fundamental
and indispensable structure and scheme of all its
cultural products. Nothing could be allowed to prevail
that would come into conflict with the dharma.
This dharma again was based upon a literature and
pre-eminently upon a poetic literature, viz., the Vedas.
Literature thus in one sense as a traditional storehouse
of past customs and manners, was the source of
dharma and it was dharma also that was in some
sense at least the dominant influence or guide in the
production and development of later literature. Practices
of a secular nature that prevailed in old Vedic times
became associated on the one hand with dharma and on
the other they continued to have a development on
secular lines such as would not be inconsistent with the
practice of dharma.
I shall give one instance. In the Rgveda I. 92.4
there is a passage which describes the dancing of a
courtesan (nrtu) adhi pe$amsi vapate nrtur-iva-pornute
vaksa ticchreva varjaham. Sayana in commenting on the
verse explains it as follows : nrtur-iva nartayantlyosidiva
pe&arrisi, rupa-namaitat sarvair-darfaniyani rupani
usa adhivapate svatmani adhikam dhdrayati vaksah
svaklyam urahpradefam pornute anacchaditam karoti
i.e., the Usas is like a dancing girl who carefully clothes
herself in her best raiments but keeps her bosom
uncovered in order to attract the eyes of all. Now,
a terracotta figure of a dancing girl with beautiful and
J 1843B
The concept
of
dharma
depends on
the Vedas.
Continuity
of even the
semi-secular
practices
through the
ages.
Ixxiv INTRODUCTION
Dharma,
the guiding
principle of
Hindu culture.
Secular
utlook and
be doctrine
f trivarga.
sparkling raiments over all her body but with bare bosoms
has been discovered in the Maurya level of excavation
near the site of the present Patna College. (See
A. Banerjee-Sastri's article, I. H. Q., 1933, p. 155.)
Now, we find that exactly the same kind of dancing girl
that used to dance before the audience in Vedic times
appears in the same kind of dress keeping her bosoms
bare and her body clothed in raiments before the
audience in Maurya times. The continuity of the
practice of the same kind of dancing with same kind of
clothes for more than thousand years, cannot but appear
to us surprising. Exactly the same sort of dancing of
the Devadasis may even now be noticed in many of the
temples of the South.
We thus notice a strange continuity of secular
practices and a strange association of these with religious
practices which has led many scholars to
conceive the development of Indian drama from religious
sources. The point, however, that we wish to lay stress
upon here, is that the motive ot dharma being essentially
of the nature of social preservation and maintenance
of social solidarity, had never been lost sight of in the
development of Indian literature. The importance of
this would be realised when we consider that even
to-day the indispensable definition of being a Hindu
consists in his participation in and loyalty to the Vedic
practices.
If we closely review the tendencies of the Vedic
culture', we find that in addition to the adherence to
certain Vedic customs and manners and the doctriues
of sacrifices, the Vedic people were anxious like other
Aryan people to provide for wealth and enjoyment in
this life &nd for making provision for happiness hereafter.
As a matter of fact, most of their prayers are
for mundane advantages, prosperity and happiness.
INTRODUCTION 1XXV
Even a cursory reading of the Atharva Veda will show
that these Vedic people would offer prayers even for the
meanest advantage and pleasure of vulgar types. The
idea of dharma was later on supplemented with high
moral ideals, self-control, control of passions and the
like? culminating in the desire for liberation, but the
idea of sense-enjoyment and the accumulation of articles
of prosperity, i.e., kama and artha, remained all through
the centuries more or less unaffected. The Hindu
culture thus has been motivated principally by four
impulses, the impulse of dharma, artha, kama and
moksa. Of these the moksa literature consists primarily
of the Upaniads, the works of the different philosophical
systems, the religio-philosopbical literature of the
Tantras and the like. The impulse of dharma is to be
found in the sacrificial literature and its accessories, the
Vedahgas. The motive of artha forms the content of the
Vartta literature which is now mostly extinct. The
motive of kama in its special application to sexology
has led to the development of a fairly large literature
on the Kama-tastra. The dharma, artha and kama
together are called the trivarga. The literature of
Political Science, the Kavya and the like are supposed
to have been motivated by the three fundamental
emotive tendencies, dharma, artha and kama. Of these
the huge stotra literature is motivated by the impulse of
dharma while the other forms of literature, viz., Epic
Kavyas, Lyric Kavyas, the Dramas, have been motivated
by three principles, dharma, artha and kama and
so also is the katha literature and the niti literature.
We have said above that the genius of the Indian
mind is at once extremely analytic and imaginative.
For this reason we have a fairly large literature of
Natya-tastra and Alamkara-astra, which not only analyses
in Jdetail the various elements that constitute the
1XXVI INTRODUCTION
complex act of dancing, acting and music, but which
has also tried to review in detail the structure and
technique of the Drama as well as the principles underlying
the display of sentiments through the histrionic
art as well as poetry in general.
Bharata in describing natya has characterised it
as productive of dharma and fame, as conducive to long
life and increasing the understanding and as instructive
to people in general. It is supposed to be the conjoint
result of all knowledge, wisdom, art and craft. Its
purpose is to produce a sort of imitation of human events
and character. It produces satisfaction and rest for the
suffering, the fatigued, the wretched and it consoles
those that are troubled by grief.
l Dramatic art is thus
regarded by Bharata, the author of the earliest work
on the science of dramaturgy now available, as the art
of reproduction by imitation. Consistently with it,
Dhananjaya has defined natya as the reproduction of a
situation and as the different characters are given visible
form (rupa) in the person of the actors, a drama is called
a rupaha. Among the commentators of Bharata there
are learned discussions regarding the sense in which a
dramatic performance may be regarded as a reproduction
in the sense of imitation and Abhinavagupta, the most
penetrating and distinguished critic of art, strongly
objects to the idea of imitation. He holds that through
music, dancing, acting and the dress, dyeing, and the
stage environment, the dramatic performance is entirely
1 nana-bhavopasampannaip nana-vasthanta<ratmakam \
hka-vrttdnukaranaw na}yametanmaya kftam II
dutykhartanam $ramartanarp $okartanarp tapasvinam \
viAranti-jananam kale natyametad bhavifyati II
dharmyatp yatasyamayuqyarp hitarp buddhi-vivatdhanam \
loko-padeta-jananarp natyametad bhavijyati II
no taj*jfianarp na tac-chilpaip na sa vidya na sa kala \
n&sau yogo na tat karma n&tye'smin yanna drSyate II
Bharata's Natyatastra.
INTRODUCTION IxXVJl
a new art for the production of aesthetic joy and it is
not imitation in any ordinary sense of the term.
Abhinavagupta says that imitation of other's movements
would produce the ludicrous and imitation of
other's feelings and emotions is impossible. The
influence of music, the sight of the other actors and the
stage environment produce in the actor an influence by
which he forgets his spatio-temporal, actual or local
personality and thus transfigures himself into his
dramatic personality and a new world consistent with
the spirit of the dramatic situation appears in him and
his performance produces in a similar manner a new
influence, and a new type of communication emerges out
of him and enlivens the mind of the audience. But we dramatic
shall not enter here into any details of the nature of arfc<
art-communication. We are only interested to point
out that dramatic performance becomes an art when
recitation in the form of dialogues associated with
suitable gestures, postures, movement, dancing, dress
and music, succeeds in giving expressions to sentiments
and passions so as to rouse similar sentiments in the
minds of the audience. Thus it becomes a dramatic
art. Thus Natyadarpana says : natakamiti natayati
vicitram ranjanat praveena sabhyanam hrdayam nartayati
iti natakam. 1 In this sense a dramatic performance
should be distinguished from mere recitation
which is not so effective. We have elsewhere in the
editorial notes tried to show the manner in which the
dramatic performance evolved through a combination of
recitation, dancing and acting and the fact that there
were at least in the 2nd century B.C. and in the time
of the Mauryyas, schools and teachers for the training
of the dramatic art.
1 yadyapi kathadayo'pi srotfhfdayatn natayanti tathapiahk opayadinavp
vaicitryahetunamabhavdt na tathd ratlfakatvam iti na te nfyakam I
Ixxviii INTRODUCTION
Keligious
value of
dramatic
performances.
The episode
of King
Kulasekhara,
We have said above that the kacyas and the natya
contributed to dharma, artha and kama and Bharata's
specification of the object of dramatic performance also
confirms the view. Not only is natya called a Veda for
universal instruction and the author of the Natyaastra
called a muni (saint) but dramatic performances were
generally held in times of religious festivities and when
they consisted in the reproduction of the great characters
of the Rdmayana and the Mahabharata, they had not
only an educative value in rousing noble passions but
they were regarded also as productive of merit, both for
those who performed them and for those who listened to
and witnessed them. Even to-day the Kamacarita is
played in a peculiar manner in the United Provinces in
India, where the players as well as the audience are
surcharged with a religious emotion. Again, when a
kathaka or a reciter would recite, say, the episode of
the marriage of Sita, religiously-minded persons would
have the impression in their minds that the marriage of
Sita was actually taking place before them and those
who can afford to do it, would willingly offer golden
ornaments and jewels as articles of dowry for Sita,
which of course, are received by the Brahmin reciting
as his fees. Even those who cannot afford to pay
much would offer whatever they can, fruits and flowers,
coins, grains, etc., on such an occasion. Here, again,
we must note the imaginative character of the Indians,
who can very easily lose their personality when they
listen to the imaginary description of deeds that are
dear to their hearts. I do not know if any other people
in the world have such imaginary susceptibilities.
In the Prapannamrta (Chap. 86) by Anantacarya
there is a curious episode of King Kula^ekhara who was
a Tamil king living in the 12th century, who was very
fond of listening to the recitation of the Ramayana.
INTRODUCTION Ixxix
When he listened to a verse to 'the effect that Kama was
alone to meet the fourteen thousand demons, he became
so much excited with the affair that he immediately
armed himself from head to foot and was on the point of
marching with all his arrny to meet Havana as an ally
of Rama.1 Such imaginative predilection of the Indian
people could easily be utilised by the poets by dealing
with characters of the Rdmdyana and the Mahabharata
and the Puranas as a means of rousing the religious
and moral interest of the audience and thereby contributing
to dharma. We know that the Rdmdyana,
which is definitely called a Mvya and the Mahabharata 9
which is called an itihdsa, are regarded as invested
with the holiness of the Vedas. Thus, there was an
easy bridge between what may be called dharma and
what may be called plain literature. We can also
assume that the Indian people in general were as a rule
religi'ously-minded and cared for that type of literature
which initiated them to religious principles and
strengthened their faith in a pleasurable manner
through amusements. This may be a very important
reason why most of the plots of Indian dramas and
kdvyas were taken from the Rdmdyana, the Mahabharata
and the Puranas. There are indeed some plots
derived either directly or indirectly from Gunadhya or
the floating materials used by him or from similar other
sources. In other cases, the lives of great kings or
saints also form the subject-matter of the kdvyas and
the dramas and in a few cases historical events have
tarn imam Slokam, bhaktiman kulatekharah |
caturdata-sahasrdni raksasam bhlma-kannanam \
ekatca rdmo dharmdtmd katharfl'yuddharp, bhaviqyati \
asahisnustato'dharmayuddharp 6ighram> skhalad-gatih \
dhanurvanaip samdddya khajgarii carma ca viryyavan
caturangabalopeto janasthdnam- kftatvarah I
pratasthe tatk$ane tasya saMyarthavp, haripriyah II
Religious
temperament
of the
people often
explains the
choice of
plots.
Ixxx INTRODUCTION
Idealistic
or religious
motives
sometimes
inspired the
poets in
framing the
plots.
also been made the subject-matter of literature. Side
by side with these historical kdvyas we have many
prafasti-kavyas in inscriptions which are of excellent
poetic merit, such as, the pratastis by Kavigvara
Rama (700-800 A.D.) and the LalitaSuradeva of the
9th century A.D. , &c.
Not only in the choice of subjects but also in the
framing of the plots, poets were sometimes guided by
idealistic motives. Thus Kalidasa described the physical
beauty of Parvati to its perfection in the Kumarasambhava,
but in the matter of the fruition of her love
for a great yogin like Siva, the fragile physical beauty
was not deemed enough. She must go through the
hardest penance in order that she may make her love
fruitful. It is only the spiritual glory and spiritual attainment
of spiritual beauty, beauty attained by self-control
and the attainment of moral height that can become
permanent and eternal. 1 In the case of the love of
Sakuntala, who in the intensity of her love had forgotten
her duties in the hermitage, she had to suffer cruel
rebuff and practical banishment in sorrow. The lusty
love of tTrva^I was punished by her being turned into a
creeper. Thus, the poet Kalidasa, when describing the
passion of love, is always careful to demonstrate that
hama should not in its intensity transgress the
dharma. But the same poet was not in the least
perturbed in giving us glowing experiences of conjugal
satisfaction that took place between Siva and Parvati, or
conjugal yearning in the case of the Yaksa for his
1
iye$a sd kartumabandhya-rupatam samddhimdsthdya tapobhirdtmanah
\
avdpyate vd kathamanyathadvayvm tathdvidham prema patisca tddrtah\\
Kumarasambhava 9 Canto V, 2.
INTRODUCTION Ixxxi
The ideal
beloved spouse. Kama in itself is not undesirable or
bad, but when it transgresses dharma it becomes
wicked. The kama of King Agnivarna in RaghuvaniSa
led to his destruction. It is for this reason
that the Sanskrit poets of India instead of portraying
mere characters or giving expression to ardent
love or other sentiments as such, or devising their
plots at random from their everyday sphere of experiences,
had to adopt a particular scheme, a framework
of types, within which limitations they had to
give vent to their poetic effusions. The scheme or
the frame should be such that the .fundamental principle
that dharma, artha and kama should not transgress
marga'
one another leading to disastrous results, may
be observed. But here again, with the exception
of Bhasa, most of the writers had conformed to the
poetic convention that no drama should end with
disastrous consequences. Here again, a drama as an
work of art was regarded as a whole, as a cycle complete
in itself. A drama ending with disastrous
consequences would be a mutilated piece from the
world of our experience it would merely mean that
the cycle has not been completed, or that it is only
a partial view and not the whole. Inspite of the
charge of pessimism often laid at the door of Indian
thought by the Westerners, it should be noted that
the Indians who admit, sorrow as a partial aspect of
things would regard it as negative in the conception
of the whole or totality. A drama in its totality must
aim at some realisation. It is for this reason that the
fully developed drama, viz., a nataka, should have in it
five critical situations called the mukha, pratimukha,
Ijarbha, vimarta and nirvahana. Thus in the drama
Ratnavali, the love of Sagarika at seeing the king
Udayana at first sight, introduces the main theme
Drama
an epitome
of life.
The five
critical
situations.
INTRODUCTION
of the drama which would culminate in the end in
the happy union of tldayana with Sagarika. This
is the seed, as it were, which would fructify in
the whole drama. This seed of first love was somewhat
obscured by the artifice of the king and other
events that followed, but its shoot is again manifested
when in Act II through the arrangement of Susangata
king Udayana and Sagarika met each other. This is
called the pratimukha-sandhi. The garbha-sandhi is
that in which there are obstructive events which lead
the reader to doubt whether the hopes raised would be
fulfilled or not. Thus, when in Sakuntala we have
the curse of Durvasa and later on, the repulsion of
Sakuntala by the king in the Court, and her disappearance,
we have the garbha-sandhi. Later on,
when at the sight of the ring the king is reminded of
Sakuntala, we have the vimarta-sandhi, or inspite of
the obstruction and doubt, the reader is again
encouraged to hope and is partially satisfied with regard
to the expected union. The last nirvahana-sandhi is
that in which the king Dusyanta becomes again united
with Sakuntala in Act VII. Thus the five critical
situations constitute a unity, an epitome of our life as
a whole. Life has its crises, its difficulties and
disappointments, but we have always to be hopeful
regarding the final fulfilment. The drama is thus the
reflection of life as a whole from the Indian point of
view and contains its own philosophy. The critics,
however, recommend further divisions of each of the
critical stages into which we need not enter. What
is important to note here is the general review of
life.
of Drama has several forms, viz., nataka, prakarana?
nfitifefl, prakarani, vyayoga, samavakftra, bhclna,
dttna, utsrtikahka, lhamrga, vlthi and prahasana. The
INTRODUCTION Ixxxiii
ptakarana deals with the plot consisting of the
characters of ordinary people, such as the minister,
Brahmin, merchant and the like and the plot generally
is the poet's own invention, or taken from historical
episodes. Thus Malatlmadhava is a prakarana. The
heroine may either be a wife or a courtesan. In Mrcchakatika
we have a courtesan as a heroine and in Malatlmadhava
a wife. The other characters belong also
to the sphere of common people. Among the women
characters we have the procuresses and other common
women. In a prakarana there are generally troublous
events and the principal hero is of a patient and
peaceful temperament (dhiratanta) . The natika is
a mixture of nataka and prakarana. The principal
sentiment is generally love and the hero is generally
of a soft and amorous temperament. It generally
deals with the characters of kings. The hero king
is always afraid of the queen in carrying on his amorous
adventures. There are more heroines than heroes.
It may be of one, two, three or four Acts. A bhana
portrays the character of a knave or rogue (dhurta),
wherein only one person acts in imaginary dialogues,
i.e., behaving as if the actor was responding to the
question or speech of another and it consists only of
one Act and it may include dancing as v^ll. Though
there is but only one actor, he carries on dialogues
with imaginary persons not present on the stage. It
may also include singing. Sometimes one may sit and
recite with gestures. It generally portrays the amorous
sentiment and sometimes heroism, The prahasana
consists in portraying the sentiment of the ludicrous
generally at the expense of the religious sects ; the
actors and actresses are generally courtesans and their
associates and the members of the sects at whose
expense the fun is being enjoyed. It generally consists
INTRODUCTION
of one Act. A dima portrays the behaviours and
characters of ghosts and ghostly beings, Gandharvas,
Yakas and Baksasas. It generally portrays the sentiment
of anger and that of the loathsome and disgusting
and treats of dreadful things like the eclipse, the
thunder and the comet. It generally consists of four
Acts and has four critical situations. As examples of
this, one may refer to the Tripuradaha, Vrtroddharana
and Tdrakoddharana . A vyayoga has for its hero either
gods or kings and has but few actors, three, four or
five, but not exceeding ten. The two critical situations,
garbha and vimar$a are absent. It describes
generally deeds of violence and fighting, but the
fighting is not for the sake of any woman. It generally
deals with the happenings of one particular day. A
samavakara deals with legendary episodes of the conflict
between the gods and demons. It generally deals
with the sentiment of heroism and generally consists
of three Acts of three different times. It portrays siege
of cities or battles or stormy destructions or destructions
through fire. The Samudramanthana by Vatsaraja is
a good illustration of samavakara. A mthi consists
of one Act, like the Vakulavithi. It generally portrays
the sentiment of love and is sometimes accompanied
with dancing and amorous gestures and generally there
is one or two actors. The utsrstikdhka deals with
a known legend or a fairy tale and portrays cruel deeds
and battles. Many young women are introduced as
weeping and sorrowing. Though full' of dreadful
events, it would end in peace. Generally it contains
three Acts. Actual killing should not be shown on the
stage though sometimes violation of this rule is seen,
as in the utsrstikanka called the Nagananda, where
Jimiitavahana dies on the stage. An lhamrga portrays
fighting for the sake of women and the hero may be
INTRODUCTION ixxxv
godly or human and there may be great fights for the
possession of heavenly nymphs. There are generally
four Acts and the plot is derived from well-known stories
modified by the dramatist.
A review of these various forms of dramatic performance
sheds some new light upon the problem of the
evolution of the drama. Of these various forms of the
drama it is only the ndtaka and the prakarana that
may be regarded as full-fledged dramas. Of these two,
again, the ndtaka should be based upon a well-known
story and the hero, who is generally a king, should be
possessed of all kingly qualities. Though the story should
be derived only from legends, yet whatever may be improper
or undesirable should be left out. There should
be many characters in it and there should be the
five sandhis and a proper balance between the various
Acts. The sentiment to be portrayed should be either
heroic or amorous and nothing that may be shocking,
dreadful or shameful should be shown on the stage.
It should consist of at least five Acts and it should not
have more than ten Acts and each Act should contain
the event of one day or half a day. The Vikramorvasl
is a five-Act drama, the Rdmdbhyudayaa, six-Act drama,
the Sakuntala a seven-Act drama, the Nalavikrama an
eight- Act drama, the Deviparinaya a nine-Act drama and
the Bdlardmdyana a ten-Act drama. The ndtaka form
of drama is regarded as the best and it is supposed to
contribute todfearma, artfeaand kdma inconsistency with
each other. 1 The prakarana resembles the ndtaka, only
ato hi nfyakasya'sya pr&thamyarp parikalpitam I
wafj/o-fledan* vidhayadavwin&ha pit&mahalj, I
dharmadi-sadhanavp natyarp, sarva-duhkhd-panodanam I
dsevadhvam tadrsayas tasyotthanam iu nafakam I
divya-manufa-saipyogo yatrdhkairavidfyakaih II
BhAvapraltaiana of Sarsdatanaya VIII, pp. 287.238.





Om Tat Sat
                                                        
(Continued...) 


(My humble salutations to Sreeman S N Dasgupta ji and Sreeman S K De ji for the collection)



0 comments:

Post a Comment